Gangnam Style exposes Seoul’s folly
By Christian Oliver
Gangnam Style, the YouTube sensation with 600m viewers, must have come as
an unexpected godsend to one of South Korea’s more peculiar institutions: the Presidential Council on Nation Branding.
YouTubeで6億ヒットのセンセーションを示したGangnam Styleは、多くの韓国独特の機関の一つである国家ブランド大統領評議会の期待の他の天の恵であったろう。
During my years as the FT’s correspondent in Korea, I was grilled on panels and radio shows about why I thought such a well-intentioned body was redundant.
韓国でFT紙特派員として過ごした期間中、私は、会合やラジオ番組で、私のこれらの善意団体が余計なものであると考えを持っていた。
This was sensitive territory.
これは、センシティブな話である。
South Koreans are rightfully indignant that they have been overshadowed by China and Japan despite everything their rags-to-riches nation has achieved.
韓国人は、彼らの「貧乏からリッチへ」の成り上がりを達成していたにも関わらず、中国と日本の影に隠れていることに憤慨していた。
They certainly do deserve a better global image.
これは、いい国際的イメージでは無いだろう。
However, interference from a state body should belong to a bygone era of central planning and output targets.
しかし、政府機関からの干渉は、過ぎ去った「中央管理と達成市場主義の時代」に属している。
You cannot forge soft power in the same way as you pick industrial champions.
君たちは、産業で成功したように、文化的な力を捏造することは出来ない。
Absurdly, Korean officials insisted the G20 summit in Seoul in 2010 – a technical meeting about global economic policy – would raise the popularity of the national brand.
韓国政府は、「世界経済の実務的会合である」2010年のソウルG20サミットで、馬鹿馬鹿しいほどに、韓国の国際ブランドの上昇を画策した。
My argument ran that Korea’s breakthrough would arrive as a big cultural accident, unaided by bureaucrats.
私は、この韓国躍進は政府官僚の手を借りない文化的アクシデントとして捉えられると考える。
Seoul’s government is notorious for its lack of faith in its own people, who are even forbidden to read North Korean websites, but I argued it should just leave its people to their own devices and accept that Korean panache would shine through unexpectedly.
ソウルの政府は、自国民(北朝鮮のWEBSITEの閲覧すら許されていない)を信じないことで悪名が高いが、私は、彼ら自身の知恵と信念に任せることが、韓国の品格を高めると考える。
I guessed the turning point would be a film. Maybe a sportsperson. (For me, Shin A-lam, the tearful Olympic fencer who spent a lonely, hour-long vigil of protest on the piste believing she had been robbed of a medal epitomised the pride and burn-yourself-to-ashes passion of the real Korean brand.)
後は面倒くさいので各自翻訳してください。w
Korea’s accidental blockbuster finally came through a burly 34-year-old rapper called PSY. Now that Ai Weiwei, the Chinese dissident artist, and Boris Johnson, London’s mayor, have joined those clip-clopping through the lasso-swirling Gangnam Style dance steps, the folly of government strategy has been exposed. If you need evidence that you can’t control how people connect emotionally with your country, the randomness of Gangnam Style is it.
The broader lesson from Gangnam Style is that it is many miles from the manicured, sanitised view of Korea that the apparatchiks have sought to project. PSY looks more like a ssireum wrestler than a pop star. He sings from the toilet, goes to the sauna with gangsters and pokes fun (albeit very gently) at some of his country’s social pressures. There’s an earthiness and boisterousness here that state tourism and branding officials have always tried to shun. They need to learn to engage with it.
A visit to a Korean palace provides a perfect example of where the state is going wrong. Official guidebooks are turgidly unreadable. You may be on the spot where Empress Myeongseong was murdered by the Japanese or Crown Prince Sado was sealed into a rice chest but the visitors’ pamphlet will only tell you what you can see with your own eyes: that the courtyard is 20m wide and the colonnade is red. The state scripts are risk averse, seeking seek to avoid upsetting anyone and shirk references to the country’s more colourful but darker recesses. Problematically though, that’s just what interests people. After all, visitors to London are steeped in the lore of Sherlock Holmes, Jack the Ripper and beheadings at the Tower.
By contrast, guidebooks present Korean culture as a serene bubble from the Chosun dynasty (1392-1910). Wild days out are to be had at ginseng festivals and celadon exhibitions. PSY has burst that bubble. Korean culture is fun, but it’s also often gritty, edgy and berserk.
Obviously, connecting with the murkier part of Korea’s national story touches recent wounds. But in terms of a brand, that is what sets Korea apart. The branding council wants to focus on the Korean script and cooking. But Ethiopia and Bulgaria have equally interesting alphabets and food. What makes Korea special and helps explain its transformation into an international heavyweight is its tale of fratricidal war in the 1950s and its battle for democracy in the 1980s. The epic saga of how it went from having per capita income less than half of Ghana’s until the 1960s to being the world’s seventh-biggest exporter is an inspiring but brutal narrative.
It’s futile asking Seoul’s bureaucrats to retreat from trying to forge a national brand but they must ditch their cosmetic, picture-postcard portrayals of “The Land of Morning Calm”. As PSY has shown, Koreans win hearts when that serenity is shattered. Korea’s mandarins would rather you didn’t really encounter their hard-drinking, rumbustious country and its troubled past. But it is Korea’s ribald and unromanticised reality that will ultimately boost the brand.
christian.oliver@ft.com
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/853adf8e-21bd-11e2-9cb4-00144feabdc0.html
FT紙「韓国よ。工業製品みたいに文化は捏造できないぞ」
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FT지 「한국이야.공업제품같이 문화는 날조 할 수 없어」
Gangnam Style exposes Seoul’s folly
By Christian Oliver
Gangnam Style, the YouTube sensation with 600m viewers, must have come as
an unexpected godsend to one of South Korea’s more peculiar institutions: the Presidential Council on Nation Branding.
YouTube로 6억 히트의 센세이션을 나타낸 Gangnam Style는, 많은 한국 특유의 기관의 하나인 국가 브란도 대통령 평의회의 기대의 다른 하늘의 혜였지.
During my years as the FT’s correspondent in Korea, I was grilled on panels and radio shows about why I thought such a well-intentioned body was redundant.
한국에서 FT지 특파원으로서 보낸 기간중, 나는, 회합이나 라디오 프로그램에서, 나의 이러한 선의 단체가 불필요한 것일 생각을 가지고 있었다.
This was sensitive territory.
이것은, 센시티브인 이야기이다.
South Koreans are rightfully indignant that they have been overshadowed by China and Japan despite everything their rags-to-riches nation has achieved.
한국인은, 그들의「가난으로부터 리치에」의 갑자기 출세함을 달성하고 있었음에도 관련되지 않고, 중국과 일본의 그림자에 숨어 있는 것에 분개하고 있었다.
They certainly do deserve a better global image.
이것은, 좋은 국제적 이미지는 아닐 것이다.
However, interference from a state body should belong to a bygone era of central planning and output targets.
그러나, 정부 기관으로부터의 간섭은, 지나가 버린「중앙 관리와 달성 시장 주의의 시대」에 속하고 있다.
You cannot forge soft power in the same way as you pick industrial champions.
자네들은, 산업으로 성공한 것처럼, 문화적인 힘을 날조 하는 것은 할 수 없다.
Absurdly, Korean officials insisted the G20 summit in Seoul in 2010 – a technical meeting about global economic policy – would raise the popularity of the national brand.
한국 정부는, 「세계경제의 실무적 회합인」2010년의 서울 G20 서미트에서, 어처구니없을만큼, 한국의 국제 브랜드의 상승을 획책 했다.
My argument ran that Korea’s breakthrough would arrive as a big cultural accident, unaided by bureaucrats.
나는, 이 한국 약진은 정부 관료의 손을 빌리지 않는 문화적 엑시던트로서 파악할 수 있다고 생각한다.
Seoul’s government is notorious for its lack of faith in its own people, who are even forbidden to read North Korean websites, but I argued it should just leave its people to their own devices and accept that Korean panache would shine through unexpectedly.
서울의 정부는, 자국민(북한의 WEBSITE의 열람조차 용서되지 않았다)을 믿지 않는 것으로 악명이 높지만, 나는, 그들 자신 지혜와 신념에 맡기는 것이, 한국의 품격을 높인다고 생각한다.
I guessed the turning point would be a film. Maybe a sportsperson. (For me, Shin A-lam, the tearful Olympic fencer who spent a lonely, hour-long vigil of protest on the piste believing she had been robbed of a medal epitomised the pride and burn-yourself-to-ashes passion of the real Korean brand.)
후는 귀찮기 때문에 각자 번역해 주세요.w
Korea’s accidental blockbuster finally came through a burly 34-year-old rapper called PSY. Now that Ai Weiwei, the Chinese dissident artist, and Boris Johnson, London’s mayor, have joined those clip-clopping through the lasso-swirling Gangnam Style dance steps, the folly of government strategy has been exposed. If you need evidence that you can’t control how people connect emotionally with your country, the randomness of Gangnam Style is it.
The broader lesson from Gangnam Style is that it is many miles from the manicured, sanitised view of Korea that the apparatchiks have sought to project. PSY looks more like a ssireum wrestler than a pop star. He sings from the toilet, goes to the sauna with gangsters and pokes fun (albeit very gently) at some of his country’s social pressures. There’s an earthiness and boisterousness here that state tourism and branding officials have always tried to shun. They need to learn to engage with it.
A visit to a Korean palace provides a perfect example of where the state is going wrong. Official guidebooks are turgidly unreadable. You may be on the spot where Empress Myeongseong was murdered by the Japanese or Crown Prince Sado was sealed into a rice chest but the visitors’ pamphlet will only tell you what you can see with your own eyes: that the courtyard is 20m wide and the colonnade is red. The state scripts are risk averse, seeking seek to avoid upsetting anyone and shirk references to the country’s more colourful but darker recesses. Problematically though, that’s just what interests people. After all, visitors to London are steeped in the lore of Sherlock Holmes, Jack the Ripper and beheadings at the Tower.
By contrast, guidebooks present Korean culture as a serene bubble from the Chosun dynasty (1392-1910). Wild days out are to be had at ginseng festivals and celadon exhibitions. PSY has burst that bubble. Korean culture is fun, but it’s also often gritty, edgy and berserk.
Obviously, connecting with the murkier part of Korea’s national story touches recent wounds. But in terms of a brand, that is what sets Korea apart. The branding council wants to focus on the Korean script and cooking. But Ethiopia and Bulgaria have equally interesting alphabets and food. What makes Korea special and helps explain its transformation into an international heavyweight is its tale of fratricidal war in the 1950s and its battle for democracy in the 1980s. The epic saga of how it went from having per capita income less than half of Ghana’s until the 1960s to being the world’s seventh-biggest exporter is an inspiring but brutal narrative.
It’s futile asking Seoul’s bureaucrats to retreat from trying to forge a national brand but they must ditch their cosmetic, picture-postcard portrayals of “The Land of Morning Calm”. As PSY has shown, Koreans win hearts when that serenity is shattered. Korea’s mandarins would rather you didn’t really encounter their hard-drinking, rumbustious country and its troubled past. But it is Korea’s ribald and unromanticised reality that will ultimately boost the brand.
christian.oliver@ft.com
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/853adf8e-21bd-11e2-9cb4-00144feabdc0.html
By Christian Oliver
Gangnam Style, the YouTube sensation with 600m viewers, must have come as
an unexpected godsend to one of South Korea’s more peculiar institutions: the Presidential Council on Nation Branding.
YouTube로 6억 히트의 센세이션을 나타낸 Gangnam Style는, 많은 한국 특유의 기관의 하나인 국가 브란도 대통령 평의회의 기대의 다른 하늘의 혜였지.
During my years as the FT’s correspondent in Korea, I was grilled on panels and radio shows about why I thought such a well-intentioned body was redundant.
한국에서 FT지 특파원으로서 보낸 기간중, 나는, 회합이나 라디오 프로그램에서, 나의 이러한 선의 단체가 불필요한 것일 생각을 가지고 있었다.
This was sensitive territory.
이것은, 센시티브인 이야기이다.
South Koreans are rightfully indignant that they have been overshadowed by China and Japan despite everything their rags-to-riches nation has achieved.
한국인은, 그들의「가난으로부터 리치에」의 갑자기 출세함을 달성하고 있었음에도 관련되지 않고, 중국과 일본의 그림자에 숨어 있는 것에 분개하고 있었다.
They certainly do deserve a better global image.
이것은, 좋은 국제적 이미지는 아닐 것이다.
However, interference from a state body should belong to a bygone era of central planning and output targets.
그러나, 정부 기관으로부터의 간섭은, 지나가 버린「중앙 관리와 달성 시장 주의의 시대」에 속하고 있다.
You cannot forge soft power in the same way as you pick industrial champions.
자네들은, 산업으로 성공한 것처럼, 문화적인 힘을 날조 하는 것은 할 수 없다.
Absurdly, Korean officials insisted the G20 summit in Seoul in 2010 – a technical meeting about global economic policy – would raise the popularity of the national brand.
한국 정부는, 「세계경제의 실무적 회합인」2010년의 서울 G20 서미트에서, 어처구니없을만큼, 한국의 국제 브랜드의 상승을 획책 했다.
My argument ran that Korea’s breakthrough would arrive as a big cultural accident, unaided by bureaucrats.
나는, 이 한국 약진은 정부 관료의 손을 빌리지 않는 문화적 엑시던트로서 파악할 수 있다고 생각한다.
Seoul’s government is notorious for its lack of faith in its own people, who are even forbidden to read North Korean websites, but I argued it should just leave its people to their own devices and accept that Korean panache would shine through unexpectedly.
서울의 정부는, 자국민(북한의 WEBSITE의 열람조차 용서되지 않았다)을 믿지 않는 것으로 악명이 높지만, 나는, 그들 자신 지혜와 신념에 맡기는 것이, 한국의 품격을 높인다고 생각한다.
I guessed the turning point would be a film. Maybe a sportsperson. (For me, Shin A-lam, the tearful Olympic fencer who spent a lonely, hour-long vigil of protest on the piste believing she had been robbed of a medal epitomised the pride and burn-yourself-to-ashes passion of the real Korean brand.)
후는 귀찮기 때문에 각자 번역해 주세요.w
Korea’s accidental blockbuster finally came through a burly 34-year-old rapper called PSY. Now that Ai Weiwei, the Chinese dissident artist, and Boris Johnson, London’s mayor, have joined those clip-clopping through the lasso-swirling Gangnam Style dance steps, the folly of government strategy has been exposed. If you need evidence that you can’t control how people connect emotionally with your country, the randomness of Gangnam Style is it.
The broader lesson from Gangnam Style is that it is many miles from the manicured, sanitised view of Korea that the apparatchiks have sought to project. PSY looks more like a ssireum wrestler than a pop star. He sings from the toilet, goes to the sauna with gangsters and pokes fun (albeit very gently) at some of his country’s social pressures. There’s an earthiness and boisterousness here that state tourism and branding officials have always tried to shun. They need to learn to engage with it.
A visit to a Korean palace provides a perfect example of where the state is going wrong. Official guidebooks are turgidly unreadable. You may be on the spot where Empress Myeongseong was murdered by the Japanese or Crown Prince Sado was sealed into a rice chest but the visitors’ pamphlet will only tell you what you can see with your own eyes: that the courtyard is 20m wide and the colonnade is red. The state scripts are risk averse, seeking seek to avoid upsetting anyone and shirk references to the country’s more colourful but darker recesses. Problematically though, that’s just what interests people. After all, visitors to London are steeped in the lore of Sherlock Holmes, Jack the Ripper and beheadings at the Tower.
By contrast, guidebooks present Korean culture as a serene bubble from the Chosun dynasty (1392-1910). Wild days out are to be had at ginseng festivals and celadon exhibitions. PSY has burst that bubble. Korean culture is fun, but it’s also often gritty, edgy and berserk.
Obviously, connecting with the murkier part of Korea’s national story touches recent wounds. But in terms of a brand, that is what sets Korea apart. The branding council wants to focus on the Korean script and cooking. But Ethiopia and Bulgaria have equally interesting alphabets and food. What makes Korea special and helps explain its transformation into an international heavyweight is its tale of fratricidal war in the 1950s and its battle for democracy in the 1980s. The epic saga of how it went from having per capita income less than half of Ghana’s until the 1960s to being the world’s seventh-biggest exporter is an inspiring but brutal narrative.
It’s futile asking Seoul’s bureaucrats to retreat from trying to forge a national brand but they must ditch their cosmetic, picture-postcard portrayals of “The Land of Morning Calm”. As PSY has shown, Koreans win hearts when that serenity is shattered. Korea’s mandarins would rather you didn’t really encounter their hard-drinking, rumbustious country and its troubled past. But it is Korea’s ribald and unromanticised reality that will ultimately boost the brand.
christian.oliver@ft.com
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/853adf8e-21bd-11e2-9cb4-00144feabdc0.html
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